Category: Africa

Human Rights Watch, World Report 2026

9/5/2026

Country Report: Uganda
Uganda’s human rights situation remains repressive, with the government violently cracking down on the political opposition, journalists and protesters, and restricting free expression.
The government reinstated the trial of civilians before military tribunals. Environmental activists opposing the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) faced arrest and prolonged detention. Authorities initiated prosecutions against Kampala city officials over the Kiteezi landfill collapse, marking a rare instance of accountability for environmental negligence.
LGBT people remain at high risk under the 2023 Anti-Homosexuality Act, which fuels arbitrary arrests, extortion, and abuse.
State surveillance continued to expand significantly.
Uganda announced its agreement to accept citizens of other countries expelled from the United States, making it one of at least five African countries to do so.

Freedoms of Expression and Assembly
The Ugandan authorities continue to clamp down on free expression and peaceful assembly, arresting and charging political opponents and their supporters, as well as critics of government officials.
On August 5, a court convicted and sentenced university student, Elson Tumwine, to two months in prison under the Computer Misuse Act for a TikTok video criticizing President Yoweri Museveni and speaker of parliament, Anita Among. Media reported Tumwine had gone missing in Hoima, Western Uganda, on June 8, and was found at a police station in Entebbe, some 230 kilometers away, in mid-July. Similarly, on August 29, a court sentenced Juma Musuuza to 12 months imprisonment for hate speech and spreading “malicious information” about Museveni, Among, and Museveni’s son, Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, also on TikTok.
Security officials arrested and beat opposition supporters and journalists covering opposition candidate Elias Luyimbazi Nalukoola’s parliamentary campaign. On February 26, hooded security officers beat and arrested Nalukoola, together with his supporters, after the Electoral Commission approved him to stand in the Kawempe North by-election on March 13. They released him the same day without charge.
Journalists covering the incident also came under attack. Media reported that two officers from the Joint Anti-Terrorism Taskforce (JATT), a security agency, beat journalist Ibrahim Miracle repeatedly in the face with a truncheon, causing him to nearly lose sight in one eye. On the same day, security forces also attacked four other reporters from NBS TV and NTV Uganda and fired live bullets in their direction.
On March 3, JATT officers beat Nalukoola’s supporters, fired live bullets and teargas, and arrested 22 people, as they attempted to leave his party’s headquarters for a campaign rally. The authorities charged the 22 with “public nuisance,” obstructing traffic, and malicious damage to property, before releasing them on bail on March 7.
Restrictions on freedom of expression intensified during the campaign. On March 12, Uganda’s media regulatory body, the Uganda Communications Commission (UCC), suspended Pearl FM after it reported on vote-rigging allegations during the Kawempe North by-election. UCC claimed the station had broadcast “unsubstantiated statements that were sensational, alarmist, and capable of inciting violence.” Armed forces reportedly severely beat at least 18 journalists covering the by-election on March 13. The military announced in a press statement that it would investigate these allegations although no public information on any progress is available.

Military Trials of Civilians
The authorities have used military courts against President Museveni’s political opponents, including former presidential candidate Kizza Besigye, who was charged on November 2024 with allegedly being in possession of guns and ammunition belonging to the military. At least 44 other civilians, mostly opposition party supporters arrested around the 2021 general elections, have been imprisoned as a result of military trials.
The same military court sentenced Besigye’s lawyer, Eron Kiiza, on January 7 to nine months imprisonment for “contempt of court.” Kiiza had been publicly critical of the military and was convicted and sentenced without a fair trial or legal representation. The High Court released Kiiza on bail in April, pending his appeal of the military court decision.
On January 31, the Supreme Court banned military trials of civilians, ruling them unconstitutional. After this ruling, Besigye’s case was transferred to the ordinary courts. He remains in detention awaiting trial.
In June, President Museveni signed the Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces (Amendment) Bill into law authorizing military tribunals to try civilians and substantially revising Uganda’s military justice system.

Environment and Human Rights
The security forces have arrested students and youths who raised concerns over EACOP and other fossil fuel projects.
On April 2, the police arrested nine youth activists in Kampala after protesting against banks supporting the project. On April 23, they again arrested 11 people as they attempted to deliver a letter to Kenya Commercial Bank (KCB) protesting the pipeline. They were detained in Luzira Maximum Security Prison before being released on July 22, pending trial. In August, the police also arrested 12 people during a similar protest.
On July 3, a magistrates court committed Dorothy Kisaka, the director of the Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA), and her deputy David Luyimbazi, to the High Court for trial over manslaughter for the August 10, 2024 landslide at the Kiteezi landfill. The landslide, on the outskirts of Kampala, killed 35 people and injured 23, destroyed homes, and displaced hundreds. Prosecutors said Kisaka and Luyimbazi were aware of the imminent risks of the Kiteezi landfill over four months before its collapse.

Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity
Since the 2023 Anti-Homosexuality Act was enacted, authorities have perpetrated widespread discrimination and violence against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people, their families, and their supporters. The penal code punishes “carnal knowledge” between people of the same gender with up to life in prison.

Disability Rights
Healthcare workers in some public health facilities in Uganda continue to use seclusion and restraints on people with psychosocial disabilities. The Mental Health Act, which legalizes seclusion in mental health facilities, remains in force.
A hearing in a court case, scheduled for March 2025, challenging the use of seclusion rooms for people with psychosocial disabilities, was postponed. The case was brought on appeal by mental health care reform activist Benon Kabale and the Centre for Human Rights and Development (CEHURD). They had sued the government for use of seclusion rooms in 2015 and the High Court ruled against Kabale in 2018, dismissing his testimony due to his mental health history.

Accountability for Serious Crimes
In September, the International Criminal Court held pre-trial proceedings against Joseph Kony, leader of the rebel group Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), in absentia. Kony is accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity in northern Uganda between 2002 and 2005 and remains a fugitive.

Government Surveillance
The Ugandan government continued to expand its surveillance capacity, including installing video surveillance technology to monitor public spaces. The government also collects and stores vast personal information, including names, signature, photo, and fingerprints of nationals. Uganda’s laws provide for collecting person data and government interception of communications under the pretext of “national security”.
On January 6, the Ugandan government rolled out digital number license plates for private vehicles, purportedly enabling real-time location tracking for vehicles ostensibly for road safety and crime prevention.

Human Rights Watch, World Report 2026. New York.

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Human Rights Watch, World Report 2026

6/5/2026

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Country Report: Tunisia
Tunisian authorities tried dozens of people, including prominent opposition figures, lawyers, and activists, in politically motivated cases and sentenced them to long prison terms on vague charges including terrorism or conspiracy against state security. The government has turned arbitrary detention into a cornerstone of its repressive policy, aimed at depriving people of their civil and political rights.
Civic space shrunk as authorities harassed activists and targeted civil society organizations with unfounded criminal investigations, increasing financial and administrative controls, and restrictions on their activities.

Political Crackdown
On April 19, a Tunis court sentenced 37 people, including lawyers, political opponents, activists, researchers, and businessmen, to between 4 and 66 years in prison in a politically motivated case known as the “Conspiracy Case.” They were accused of “conspiracy against internal and external State security” and terrorism for allegedly plotting to overthrow the government of President Kais Saied. The court issued the sentences in a mass trial after just three sessions, without providing the defendants an adequate opportunity to present their defenses and without other due process protections.
Following the “Conspiracy Case” trial, anti-terrorism forces arrested a defense lawyer in the case and former administrative judge, Ahmed Souab, at his home on April 21, following comments he made questioning the independence of the judiciary. A judge ordered Souab detained on April 23 and on October 31 an anti-terrorism court sentenced him to five years in prison. Authorities have also subjected other defense lawyers in the same case to increasing judicial harassment and criminal prosecution for the legitimate exercise of their profession.
On November 27, a Tunis Appeals Court confirmed sentences against 34 of the 37 “Conspiracy Case” defendants between 5 and 45 years in prison and acquitted three. Authorities then arrested three prominent activists convicted in the case: Chaima Issa, Ayachi Hammami, and Ahmed Nejib Chebbi.
On June 12, a Tunis court sentenced Abir Moussi, leader of the Free Destourian Party (PDL) and prominent opponent to president Kais Saied, to two years in prison for criticizing the electoral commission. Moussi has been imprisoned since October 2023 in connection with her statements and activism. She was previously handed a two-year sentence in a 2024 case related to her remarks on legislative elections. On December 12, Moussi was again sentenced to 12 years in prison for seeking “to change the form of government.”
On June 20, a Tunis court sentenced Moncef Marzouki, former president of Tunisia, Abderrazak Kilani, a lawyer and former minister, and Imed Daïmi, a former member of parliament and prospective candidate for the 2024 presidential election, to 22 years in prison. They faced terrorism and security-related charges reportedly in connection with a press conference they held in Paris. All three are in exile and were sentenced in absentia.
On July 8, a Tunis court sentenced 21 people, including leaders of the Ennahda party and other opposition members, former government officials, and lawyers to prison terms of between 12 and 35 years on vague terrorism and state security charges. Among them was Rached Ghannouchi, former president of the Ennahda party detained since April 2023 and convicted in several cases, who received a 14-year sentence in absentia.
On October 1, Nabeul court sentenced Saber Ben Chouchane to death for peaceful Facebook posts criticizing the president and calling on Tunisians to take to the streets. Ben Chouchane, who was arrested on January 22, was convicted under article 72 of the penal code, which provides for the death penalty for “attempting to change the form of government” as well as under article 67 for “insulting the president,” and Decree-Law 54 on Cybercrime for “spreading fake news.” After his conviction sparked public outrage, he was released on October 7 following a presidential pardon.

Freedom of Assembly and Association
On April 10 and May 9, security forces banned two events from taking place at the Rio theater in Tunis without a legal basis. The first was a mock trial in support of people arbitrarily detained for their peaceful opinions and activities, while the second was a rally in support of imprisoned journalist Mourad Zeghidi.
At least eight people working for non-governmental organizations in Tunisia were arbitrarily arrested between May and November 2024 in connection with their association work, in particular for providing aid to asylum seekers and refugees and combating racism. On November 24, two employees of the Tunisian Council for Refugees, Mustapha Djemali and Abderrazek Krimi, charged with facilitating the irregular entry and stay of foreign nationals in Tunisia, were sentenced to two years in prison and released for time served.
Several associations are facing criminal investigations in connection with their activities and finances or increased financial and administrative controls.

Freedom of the Press and Access to Information
At least three journalists, Chadha Hadj Mbarek, Mourad Zeghidi, and Borhen Bsaises remained imprisoned as of December. Lawyer and media commentator Sonia Dahmani was released on November 27 after 18 months in prison.
Reporters Without Borders ranked Tunisia 129th out of 180 countries in its 2025 World Report Index on press freedom, a decline by 11 ranks compared to the previous year. It highlighted increasing political pressure on newsrooms, tightening legislation, and a climate of fear and self-censorship.
In August, the authorities shut down the National Authority for Access to Information, an independent body established in 2016 to guarantee the right to access information, which had been gradually restricted since Kais Saied became president in 2019.

Migrants, Asylum Seekers, and Refugees
As of March, there were over 10,600 refugees and asylum seekers registered with the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) in Tunisia, including 5,000 Sudanese nationals, many of whom had fled the conflict in Sudan starting in April 2023. UNHCR said that 86 percent of those it had registered originated from countries affected by armed conflict and widespread violence.
Tunisia lacks a national asylum system and the asylum applications procedures managed by UNHCR in Tunisia have been suspended since June 2024 at the request of Tunisian authorities.
Migrants, asylum seekers, and refugees in Tunisia continue to face serious violations by security forces, including arbitrary arrests and detention, collective expulsions to the borders with Algeria and Libya, ill-treatment, torture, and sexual violence. According to humanitarian sources, Tunisian authorities expelled least 12,000 people between January and April 2025 alone, including unaccompanied children.
In April, security forces dismantled part of the al-Amra and Jbeniana migrant camps north of Sfax, where thousands of migrants and asylum seekers from other African countries were living. The national guard removed migrants from the camps, arresting some and expelling them from the country. Anti-migrant campaigns continue to be widely shared on social media.
The tightening of security measures and the rise of anti-migrant rhetoric have increasingly restricted migrants’ access to health care, education, transportation, work, and housing.
Despite evidence of serious violations, the European Union continued to cooperate with Tunisia on migration in the follow-up to the 2023 EU-Tunisia Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) that was accompanied by €105 million in EU support for migration management in Tunisia. The European Commission remained silent on Tunisia’s violations of migrant rights, despite continued abuses by the National Guard including the Coast Guard, who had benefitted from EU support, and despite the Tunisian government’s broader restrictions to civic space and severe crackdown on critics. The European Commission has still not implemented the recommendations included in the October 2024 report of the European Ombudsman, including ensuring public human rights monitoring and setting criteria for suspending EU-funded projects due to human rights violations.

Women’s and Girls’ Rights
Tunisian law continues to discriminate against women in inheritance rights and President Saied has expressed opposition to legal reforms. President Saied promulgated a 2022 constitution which states that “Tunisia is part of the Islamic Umma [community/nation]” and makes the realization of “the purposes of Islam” a responsibility of the state. Such provisions could be used to justify attacks on women’s rights based on interpretations of religious precepts.
A 2017 law on violence against women set out new support services, prevention, and protection mechanisms for survivors. However, there are numerous shortcomings in the law’s implementation. These include inadequate police and judiciary response to complaints of domestic violence, insufficient state funding for the law’s implementation, and a lack of sufficient women’s shelters.

Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity
Authorities continued to prosecute and imprison men for alleged same-sex sexual conduct under article 230 of the penal code, which provides up to three years in prison for “sodomy.” LGBT activists have also faced increased harassment.
According to LGBT rights groups, authorities’ arrest and prosecution of people based on their actual or perceived sexual orientation and gender identity has increased since the end of 2024. Between September 2024 and January 2025, over 80 people, mainly gay men and trans women, were arbitrarily arrested in different cities, detained, and prosecuted, according to the Tunisian Association for Justice and Equality (DAMJ). In July, at least 14 people were arrested in Djerba and Tunis, and at least six of them were sentenced to prison terms under article 230 of the penal code. Some of those arrested were targeted digitally and entrapped by members of the security forces on social media or dating applications.
Authorities also continue conduct forced anal examinations—purportedly to identify “proof” of homosexual conduct— which are a form of cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment that can amount to torture.

African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights
In March, the government announced it would withdraw its declaration under article 34(6) of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. The decision will prevent individuals and certain non-governmental organizations with observer status from directly bringing cases against Tunisia before the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights. The withdrawal decision will take effect in March 2026. The African Court has condemned Tunisia’s human rights and democratic backsliding since 2021 and issued multiple rulings that the government has failed to implement.

Human Rights Watch, World Report 2026. New York.

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Human Rights Watch, World Report 2026

4/5/2026

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Country Report: Tanzania
President Samia Suluhu Hassan was re-elected in October 2025 in elections marred by serious abuses. Law enforcement responded to protests that erupted on election day with unjustified lethal force among other violations, and the government imposed nationwide internet restrictions.
In the months leading up to the elections, the authorities intensified their clampdown on the political opposition, activists, and free expression. Government opponents and critics faced arbitrary arrests, violent attacks, abductions, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial killings without the authorities holding those responsible to account.
Some political opposition parties and candidates were excluded from participating in the elections, while the government shut down websites critical of the government and blocked access to some social media platforms.
A landmark court ruling reversed legal provisions blocking the population’s access to public interest litigation. Despite making international commitments, Tanzania has not ratified the United Nations Convention Against Torture.

Media Freedom
In 2025, the authorities intensified online censorship. In May, Deputy Minister for Information, Culture, Arts and Sports Hamisi Mwinjuma announced that the Tanzania Communications Regulatory Authority (TCRA) had shut down over 80,000 websites, social media accounts, blogs, and online platforms for publishing “unethical content that poses a risk to children’s mental health,” without providing evidence for this claim. The TCRA has broad discretionary powers to license blogs, websites, and online content, including imposing hefty licensing fees on bloggers.
In the same month, the government blocked access to X (formerly Twitter), claiming that the site promotes pornographic materials. The authorities also reportedly restricted access to the social audio app Clubhouse and the Telegram messaging service.
The Chanzo, a digital media outlet, took down a video on its YouTube channel of a press conference by Bishop Josephat Gwajima, a member of parliament for the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party, against increasing abductions and other human rights violations. The TCRA had issued a directive to do so.
In September, the TCRA suspended JamiiForums, a web forum that facilitates public discourse and whistleblowing, for 90 days for allegedly publishing “content that misled the public, insulted, and disrespected the government and the President.”

Freedom of Association
During a rally in April, authorities arrested Tundu Lissu, the leader of the main opposition party, Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (Chadema). He remains detained and is on trial on fabricated charges, including treason, which is non-bailable and carries the death penalty. A May 8 European Parliament resolution condemned Lissu’s arrest and the charges against him, and called on the authorities to release him and end the escalating crackdown on critics.
In the same month, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) banned Chadema from participating in the upcoming election and in by-elections until 2030 because of its refusal to sign a code of conduct by April 12, 2025, although the relevant law, the National Elections Act, does not clearly state the timeline. In August
INEC blocked the nomination of Luhaga Mpina, the presidential candidate of ACT- Wazalendo for mainland Tanzania.
The government in June withdrew the registration of the Ufufuo na Uzima Church, after its founder Bishop Josephat Gwajima was vocal about human rights violations. The Home Affairs Ministry said these remarks sought to pit the government against its citizens.

Enforced Disappearances and Attacks on Government Critics
On January 12, 2025, unidentified people abducted Maria Sarungi Tsehai, a prominent media owner and critic of President Hassan, in Nairobi, Kenya. They blindfolded and handcuffed her, while repeatedly asking for the passcode to her phones. Speaking to the media following her release, Sarungi said, “I’m sure that the reason for the abduction was to get access to my social media and [because of] the whistleblowing job that I do.”
On May 2, unidentified individuals beat and abducted opposition activist Mpaluka Nyagali, known as Mdude, from his residence in Mbeya, in southwestern Tanzania. On July 9, the Mbeya High Court dismissed a habeas corpus petition filed by Sije Mbigi, his wife. Mdude’s whereabouts remain unknown. The police denied involvement in his abduction. On June 16, unidentified assailants beat Japhet Matarra, a frequent critic of the government on X, with a metal bar until he lost consciousness. Unknown people attacked him again while he was waiting for surgery in the hospital.
In October, relatives reported Humphrey Polepole, a former Tanzanian ambassador to Cuba and government critic, missing. Polepole had resigned from his position in June and publicly criticized the ruling CCM party for not being “aligned with safeguarding human rights, peace, and respect for people.”
UN human rights experts said more than 200 cases of enforced disappearance of opposition leaders, their supporters, and human rights defenders have been recorded in Tanzania since 2019.

Legislative Reform
On June 13, the Court of Appeal declared unconstitutional the provisions of the Basic Rights and Duties Enforcement Act, amended in 2020, which required

Torture
In May, security officials in Dar es Salaam abducted, beat, and tortured Kenyan and Ugandan activists Boniface Mwangi and Agatha Atuhaire, who had traveled to observe Lissu’s trial. Mwangi was dumped in Ukunda, Kenya, four days after his abduction, and the next day Atuhaire was dumped in the border area between Tanzania and Uganda. Both said the officers had sexually assaulted them.
Although a signatory to the UN Convention Against Torture, Tanzania has yet to ratify the treaty. Although the constitution prohibits torture, no such prohibition appears in the penal code, making it difficult to hold abusers criminally accountable.

Indigenous Peoples’ Rights
In February, President Hassan launched two committees to address land conflicts in the country’s northern Ngorongoro district. One was established to “assess the land dispute” in the Ngorongoro Conservation Area (NCA), and the second to examine the government’s “voluntary” relocations of residents from the NCA to Msomera village in Handeni, Tanga Region, more than 600 kilometers away. The committees had a three-month mandate. To date, no official reports have been released. Human Rights Watch found in 2024 that the government had made life increasingly difficult for the estimated 100,000 Indigenous Maasai pastoralists living in the conservation area by reducing the availability and accessibility of public services, forcing many to relocate. The government removed some of these restrictions pending the conclusion of the committee’s investigations.

Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity
The Sexual Offenses Special Provisions Act of 1998 punishes “gross indecency” and “unnatural sexual intercourse” with up to life imprisonment. It is used to criminalize consensual same-sex relations. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender individuals report growing levels of discrimination, violence and harassment.

Disability Rights
In 2024, the Tanzanian government launched a National Action Plan for Persons with Albinism. In February 2025, the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights delivered a landmark judgment holding Tanzania accountable for human rights violations against persons with albinism, including systemic discrimination and targeted killings.

Discrimination in Education
Despite revoking its school ban against pregnant girls and adolescent mothers in 2021, the government failed to remove administrative barriers to girls re-enrolling after pregnancy, including up to two years for student-mothers to re-enter school, and a prohibition on readmission of girls pregnant a second time.

Human Rights Watch, World Report 2026. New York.

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Human Rights Watch, World Report 2026

30/4/2026

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Country Report: Sudan
Conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) continued for a third year, with all warring parties committing war crimes and other violations of international humanitarian law.
The warring parties’ actions made Sudan the worst global humanitarian crisis. The United Nations’ World Food Programme reported that 24.6 million people suffer from acute hunger and 2 million face famine or risk of famine. Over 11.8 million were displaced by the conflict as of September, including 7.4 million internally displaced and 4.2 million in neighboring countries.
While the SAF retook the capital, Khartoum, and other cities and villages including in central Sudan, by the end of October El Fasher, North Darfur’s capital, fell to the RSF and immediately there were reports and images of RSF extrajudicial killings and other serious violations against people fleeing. The SAF carried out indiscriminate airstrikes in South Darfur as well other parts of the country.
Both parties continue to wilfully obstruct aid despite the population’s desperate needs, and to detain and harass humanitarian workers and local volunteers.
In July, the RSF and their allies announced the creation of a parallel government, based in Darfur.
The United States rolled out designated sanctions against individuals and entities in relation to the conflict. In July, the European Union (EU) adopted more targeted sanctions for serious human rights violations, including against the Sudan Shield Forces leader Abu Aqla Keikel. In Conclusions adopted by EU foreign ministers, the EU stated its grave concerns over violations across Sudan, called for accountability and committed to advance concrete measures for the protection of civilians. The International Criminal Court (ICC) investigations in Darfur continued. In September, the UN Security Council renewed the Sudan sanctions regime for another year. They did not expand it to cover the whole of Sudan nor designate new individuals under the existing regime. The mandate of the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission (FFM) was extended by the UN Human Rights Council in October.

Conflict and Abuses in Khartoum
In March, as the SAF regained control of Khartoum, they uncovered evidence of serious violations by the RSF, notably in Omdurman. The SAF committed retaliatory attacks against local volunteers accused of collaborating with the RSF.
Civilians faced ongoing indiscriminate shelling and air attacks. Local volunteers said in January that the SAF carried out indiscriminate airstrikes in southern Khartoum, including on a market, killing, and injuring dozens of civilians.
In February, local medical authorities and activists said the RSF shelling resulted in 54 people being killed and over 100 injured at a market in Omdurman. In March, media reported that around 500 people may have been buried in mass graves in northern Khartoum near an RSF base, where detainees reported torture and starvation. The RSF drone strikes reportedly continued to target installations in Khartoum vital for civilians, even if also used by the military, including on September 9 when media reported RSF attacks hit power stations and an oil refinery.
In March, the UN Human Rights Office noted credible reports that the RSF and allied forces looted houses in eastern Khartoum, carrying out summary killings, arbitrary detentions, and looting. They said that SAF-allied fighters were reported to have carried out similar abuses.

Conflict and Abuses in Darfur
On October 26, the RSF captured El Fasher, the culmination of a siege on the city since May 2024, and relentless attacks by the armed group that triggered famine in displacement camps in and around the city. The RSF carried out mass killings of people fleeing, as well as sexual violence.
Prior to the fall of El Fasher, both parties carried out attacks impacting civilians and civilian infrastructure, including the city’s few remaining health facilities. The UN FFM reported that the RSF damaged water facilities and supply lines in February and in mid-April, RSF large- scale attacks on Zamzam killed between 300 and 1,500 and injured over 157, the majority women and children, according to the UN.
The SAF shelled and bombed residential areas, including bombing a market north of El Fasher on March 24 and in early February also killed scores of civilians in attacks on residential and commercial neighbourhoods in Nyala, South Darfur. using unguided air- dropped bombs.

Conflict and Abuses in Other Locations
On January 10, the Sudan Shield Forces, an armed group currently allied with the SAF, and led by Abu Aqla Keikel, targeted civilians in Tayba village, killing at least 26 civilians. The fighters looted property, burned homes, and terrorized residents, forcing many to flee. The attack took place in the context of a SAF offensive to retake Gezira state.
In West Kordofan, the SAF bombed a mosque on June 21, killing 41 and wounding
dozens. The UN reported that around 300 people were killed in RSF-led attacks in July on a Barra locality in North Kordofan. The SAF also carried out airstrikes in July in West Kordofan that reportedly left at least 23 civilians killed.

Wilful Obstruction of Humanitarian Assistance, Attacks on Aid
The warring parties continue to wilfully obstruct aid movement, while also attacking humanitarian workers and local volunteers, violating international humanitarian law. The UN FFM concluded that the RSF and their allied forces used starvation as a method of warfare, a war crime.
Cuts to international aid by the US and others, combined with attacks by the warring parties, have led to the closure of many emergency food kitchens, a vital source of food.
At a conference in London in April, international actors pledged over €500 million in aid.
Even to the extent aid remained available, fighting and attacks on humanitarian aid agencies resulted in suspension of services in some parts. In February, WFP temporarily paused food distribution to Zamzam camp in North Darfur.
In June, a WFP convoy was attacked in North Darfur killing five staff members. A drone strike also hit another UN convoy in the same region in August.
An armed attack in August 2025 forced Doctors without Borders (MSF), a medical charity, to suspend their operations in Zalingei hospital, central Darfur in the midst of a Cholera outbreak.
The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported that in May 2025 only 110 visas for the UN and international NGOs were approved out of the 355 pending requests, and the backlog was increasing.

Conflict-Related Sexual Violence
Sexual violence has been routinely perpetrated primarily against women and girls by combatants on both sides of the conflict. Evidence of rape, gang rape, and sexual slavery indicate that these acts are numerous and often widespread. In May, UN experts said at least 330 cases of conflict-related sexual violence have been documented. But with severe restrictions on access to services, attacks on medical personnel, survivors facing deep stigma, and ongoing restrictions on independent monitoring, the documented cases are likely a small proportion of the actual number.
As of June 2025, the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) said recent cuts to aid funding have forced the agency to withdraw from more than half of the 93 health facilities it was supporting.

Detention, Torture, and ill-Treatment
Both parties have unlawfully detained, tortured, and executed civilians. The UN FFM said RSF fighters beat and shot detainees in April in Omdurman. The mission also said both parties held detainees in inhumane conditions. The SAF unlawfully detained people accused of collaborating with the RSF, often along ethnic lines.
In April, activists raised concern over the lack of due process for over 25 women charged by SAF authorities with collaborating with the RSF, who face possible death sentences. A local rights group said in September that the SAF and their allies were detaining over 3,000 people in Gezira state, most of them political activists.

Accountability
Impunity remains a key factor fuelling the violence and emboldening perpetrators of grave crimes, as often both parties deny allegations or fail to take credible steps to investigate. All parties to the conflict continued their refusal to cooperate with the UN FFM and the AU Joint Fact-Finding Mission, by blocking access to territories under their control, dismissing their findings and concerns, and not responding to any of their communications or requests.
On October 6, ICC judges convicted former Janjaweed militia leader, Ali Muhammad Ali Abd-Al-Rahman (Ali Kosheib), of charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity in Darfur in 2003-04 and 2013, the first trial arising out of the court’s Darfur investigation. However, the ICC’s mandate remains limited to Darfur, leaving no independent judicial mechanisms to investigate and prosecute individuals responsible for grave crimes committed across Sudan.
The UN Human Rights Council decided to extend the mandate of the UN FFM, to ensure robust continued investigations into ongoing grave abuses, and to support efforts to hold perpetrators of international crimes to account.

Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity
Same sex sexuality and gender non-conforming expression are criminalized in Sudan under sections 148 and 151 of the penal code. The law penalizes those convicted of “sodomy” and “indecent acts” with one year to life imprisonment.

Human Rights Watch, World Report 2026. New York.

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