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Human Rights Watch, World Report 2026

8/5/2026

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Country Report: Turkmenistan
Turkmenistan’s government continued to severely restrict civil and political rights, including freedom of expression, association, religion, and peaceful assembly. There is no independent media, and internet access remains tightly controlled. Authorities routinely target civic activists, government critics, and their families, including those in exile, with harassment and politically motivated prosecutions. 
Authorities continued to arbitrarily interfere with citizens’ right to freedom of movement. The government refuses to renew passports through consulates abroad, requiring citizens to return to Turkmenistan, where they may face travel bans. Activists returned from abroad risk arrest and persecution. 
Many remain behind bars on what appear to be politically motivated charges, and the fate of dozens of victims of enforced disappearances remains unknown. Turkmenistan continues to criminalize adult consensual same-sex conduct between men and imposes broad restrictions on women and girls. 
 
Freedom of Movement 
Turkmen authorities continued to bar its citizens from boarding international flights, under various pretexts such as unclear passport stamps, document misprints, or infractions of host countries’ immigration laws. 
In February, migration officials twice barred a 40-year-old woman from flying to Türkiye claiming she could not leave because her children were in Turkmenistan. 
On October 29, following several court reviews, including a July decision to overturn a lower court’s travel ban, a court in Ashgabat ordered migration authorities to provide the legal grounds for the travel ban of journalist Nurgeldy Khalykov, previously imprisoned on fabricated fraud charges. At the time of writing, the authorities have not responded. Khalykov remains unable to travel. 
Authorities imposed arbitrary travel bans on the brother and sister of wrongfully imprisoned activist Murad Dushemov in apparent retaliation for his activism. 
Turkmenistan continued to deny exit to citizens who voluntarily returned to Turkmenistan for passport renewal. After returning in summer 2024 to renew her passport, Zulfiya Kazhyr and her minor daughter, a Turkish citizen, were barred from flying to Türkiye in September 2024. Only in July 2025, did Turkmen authorities allow them to leave Turkmenistan. 
 
Government Critics and Activists 
Turkmenistan continued to surveil and harass civic activists and government critics including those in exile. 
Dissident bloggers Alisher Sakhatov and Abdulla Orusov, known for their online criticism of the Turkmen government, have been missing since July 24, 2025. In April,
Turkish authorities detained and held them in deportation detention on national security grounds. In May, Tu
̈rkiye denied them international protection. Umidajan Bekchanova, another dissident, has been detained in a Turkish deportation center since May 30 over alleged security threats and faces deportation to Turkmenistan. Turkish authorities cancelled her residence permit in October 2024 allegedly at Turkmenistan’s behest. 
On April 3, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, Mary Lawlor, urged Turkmenistan to investigate the alleged November 2024 poisoning attempt of 75-year-old independent journalist Soltan Achilova, who claimed it was intended to prevent her from traveling abroad. Following the failed attempt, authorities forcibly hospitalized her, claiming she had an infectious disease. Achilova remains under constant government surveillance. 
 
Political Prisoners, Enforced Disappearances, and Torture 
Dozens of individuals arrested more than two decades ago remained forcibly disappeared in the Turkmen prison system. Authorities refused to provide information on their whereabouts to the public or to allow families and lawyers to have contact. The fate and whereabouts of at least 21 individuals whose prison sentences expired between 2017 and 2024 remain unknown. In early 2025, authorities disclosed the whereabouts of 12 forcibly disappeared individuals who had served criminal sentences; five were confirmed dead. 
In June, Turkmen authorities failed to release Murat Dushemov, a civic activist, when he finished serving his initial four-year sentence, instead holding him in pre-trial detention for three months on fabricated allegations of assaulting another prisoner. On September 16, a court in Turkmenabad sentenced Dushemov to an additional eight years in prison in a closed trial on unknown charges. On July 29, Lawlor called for Dushemov’s immediate release. 
Many others wrongfully imprisoned remain behind bars on bogus, politically motivated charges. They include Mansur Mengelov, Saddam Gulamov, and Myalikberdy Allamuradov. 
According to Turkmen.news, a Netherlands-based outlet, Turkmen prisons are overcrowded and plagued by poor conditions. Impunity for torture and other ill-treatment of detainees persists. In August, a forensic expert affiliated with Physicians for Human Rights, a non-governmental group, reviewed postmortem photos of Allamyrat Hudayramov, who died in police custody in 2023, and found his injuries were not self-inflicted, contradicting official claims. In April, the UN Committee against Torture raised concerns about Turkmenistan’s lack of efforts to prevent torture in custody. 
 
Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights 
In 2025, Turkmenistan failed to ensure the right to an adequate standard of living and to food. Independent reporting indicated that high food prices and shortages of certain staple goods undermined access to food in the country. Prices for certain staple foods rose significantly in January. In February, Ashgabat authorities reportedly forbade private shopkeepers from selling sunflower oil and chicken under threat of fines. 
Systemic forced labor in Turkmenistan’s cotton harvesting persisted. Authorities continued to compel public sector employees to harvest cotton. In Dashoguz province, authorities reportedly extorted money from individuals who refused to work in the fields to hire replacement pickers. 
 
Freedom of Media and Information 
Turkmenistan maintained one of the world’s most repressive media environments. Independent journalism is banned, and the government systematically blocked internet access, reportedly to promote state-controlled Virtual Private Networks (VPNs). Authorities targeted VPNs, online games, antivirus updates, and thousands of IP addresses. On February 23, WhatsApp reportedly became accessible without a VPN, but was blocked five days later. 
In September, security officials in Dashoguz province sentenced a woman to 15 days in jail for allegedly posting “indecent” photos on TikTok and reading “anti-government” websites. In August, National Security officials in Lepab province reportedly pressured mobile phone vendors to install and sell agency-developed VPN systems and servers. 
On February 15, authorities in Balkanabad warned public sector employees and residents against visiting foreign media websites critical of Turkmenistan. Police summoned one man who disagreed publicly, held him overnight, questioned him, and searched his phone before releasing him. 
 
Freedom of Religion 
Religious freedom remains tightly controlled. Unregistered religious activity is banned, and the state heavily regulates religious materials and education. Turkmenistan offers no alternative to compulsory military service. In January, in two separate cases, authorities sentenced Jehovah’s Witnesses Agabek Rozbaev, 20, and Arslan Vepaev, 21, to 18 months and two years of corrective labor, respectively, for conscientious objection. 
 
Women’s and Girls’ Rights 
Women and girls continued to face pervasive restrictions on the exercise and enjoyment of their rights. Turkmenistan bans voluntary abortions after five weeks of pregnancy. Access to legal abortions is limited by the few reproductive health clinics that are certified to provide such procedures. The public education system lacks comprehensive sexuality education in its curricula, focusing instead on promoting abstinence until marriage. 
Turkmenistan has no law on domestic violence, does not criminalize it as a standalone offense, and lacks adequate protections for survivors. 
In June, the Turkmenistan Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights, an exile-based human rights organization, raised concerns over online harassment and hate speech targeting women. 
In March, authorities in Ashgabat reportedly introduced an informal dress code in the public sector, requiring unmarried women to wear yellow headscarves at work and married women to wear yellow dresses, threatening dismissal for noncompliance. 
 
Human Rights Watch, World Report 2026. New York.
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Human Rights Watch, World Report 2026

7/5/2026

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Country Report: Turkiye
The government of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan consolidated its authoritarian trajectory with an unprecedented onslaught on the main political opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) that threatened freedom of political association and free and fair elections. A year after the party made gains over Erdoğan's Justice and Development Party in local elections, on March 19, the authorities detained Istanbul mayor and Erdoğan rival Ekrem İmamoğlu. Concurrently, the Erdoğan government pursued an end to the four- decade conflict with the armed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), in negotiation with its jailed leader, Abdullah Öcalan. On May 12, the PKK declared its decision to disband and disarm. 
The government exercises control over domestic courts and persists in non-compliance with binding judgements of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), leading to serious human rights violations. 
An annual inflation rate officially recorded as 31 percent at time of writing left low- and middle-income people’s rights to food and housing vulnerable to increasing food and rental prices. 
 
Freedom of Expression 
Public broadcaster TRT, news wire service Anadolu Ajansı, and most private TV news channels are government-aligned, as is the broadcasting watchdog, the Radio and Television High Council (RTÜK), that imposes arbitrary fines on oppositional TV news media and streaming platforms, as well as broadcasting suspensions that are disproportionate and violate the right to freedom of expression. 
Journalists, public figures, and social media users frequently face prosecution and sometimes detention pending trial for criticism of the government and judiciary. At time of writing, 27 journalists and media workers were in pretrial detention or serving sentences. 
On November 26, Fatih Altaylı, a journalist broadcasting on YouTube, was convicted and sentenced to a prison term of four years and two months on baseless charges of threatening President Erdoğan during a broadcast. Detained in June, he remains in prison pending appeal. Two executives from the Turkish Industry and Business Association (TÜSİAD) are on trial on charges of “publicly disseminating misinformation” and “attempting to influence a fair trial” on the basis of February speeches including criticism of the government’s human rights record. 
In November, five staff members at the satirical magazine Leman stood trial for “inciting hostility and public enmity” on the basis of a cartoon in the June 25 edition that the authorities claimed, and the magazine refuted, was of the Prophet Muhammed. The cartoonist was released in November after five months in detention, while the trial continues. 
On the day police arrested İmamoğlu, the government imposed bandwidth reduction (internet throttling) for 42 hours, making social media platforms inaccessible without the use of VPNs, many of which are partly blocked. Regular court and internet regulator decisions arbitrarily order social media companies to take down online content. The X account of Ekrem İmamoğlu, with 9.7 million followers, has been blocked in Türkiye since May 8. 
 
Freedoms of Association and Assembly 
During a wave of protests following İmamoğlu's arrest, police arbitrarily arrested and courts detained hundreds of people, mostly students, exercising their right to protest. They faced trial on charges including attending unauthorized demonstrations and failure to disperse. 
Thousands of people face detention, ongoing investigations, and unfair trials on terrorism charges for alleged links with the movement led by deceased US-based cleric Fethullah Gülen, which the government deems a terrorist organization responsible for the July 15, 2016 attempted military coup. The justice minister announced in July that investigations against 58,000 and trials of 24,000 individuals were continuing, and that a total of 11,640 remanded and convicted persons alleged to be connected with the Gülen movement remained in prison. Many have faced prolonged and arbitrary imprisonment. In 2025, arrests and new criminal investigations were conducted against hundreds of individuals alleged to have continuing links with the movement. 
 
Attacks on Lawyers and Human Rights Defenders 
In 2025, lawyers faced heightened judicial harassment, particularly when representing clients in politically motivated cases or making statements advocating human rights protection. 
In March, an Istanbul court approved the removal of the board of the Istanbul Bar Association in a civil case initiated by the Istanbul prosecutor after the association issued a December 2024 statement calling for an investigation into the killing of two Kurdish journalists in a Turkish drone strike in Syria. The bar association has appealed the decision. A directly related criminal case against the association for “spreading terrorist propaganda” and “misinformation” continues. 
Lawyers acting for İmamoğlu and those arrested in related cases faced criminal investigation and sometimes detention. İmamoğlu’s defense lawyer Mehmet Pehlivan has been held in pretrial detention since June and in November was indicted on charges of “membership of a criminal organization” in the main case against İmamoğlu (see details below). 
Osman Kavala, Çiğdem Mater, Can Atalay, Mine Özerden, and Tayfun Kahraman, known for their civil society engagement, remain in prison after their convictions on baseless charges of organizing the 2013 Gezi Park protests and attempting to overthrow the government. Kavala has been arbitrarily detained since October 2017 and the others since their April 2022 convictions. Türkiye has flagrantly disregarded ECtHR decisions ordering Kavala’s release. In 2025, the Istanbul prosecutor widened the investigation, prosecuting talent manager Ayse Barım, who was detained for eight months, and investigating journalist İsmail Saymaz. 
Enes Hacıoğulları, an LGBT rights defender and youth delegate to the Council of Europe Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, was detained for a month on the basis of a widely shared and non-inciteful speech he made to the congress about police abuses during the protests against İmamoglu’s arrest. His trial on charges of “disseminating misinformation,” for which he could face a two- to six-year prison sentence, continues. 
In May, Syrian refugee rights advocate Taha Elgazi was deported to Syria months after the Turkish authorities arbitrarily revoked his Turkish citizenship. 
 
Torture and Ill-Treatment in Custody 
Young people who the police arrested during the mass demonstrations following İmamoğlu'sdetentionreportedill-treatmentonapprehensionandwhileincustody. A widespread culture of impunity persists with rare instances of law enforcement officials being held accountable. 
Exceptions include the May 8 court conviction in the southern province of Hatay of four ranked soldiers to life imprisonment on charges of torturing to death two Syrian refugees and torturing four others who had crossed the border into Türkiye on March 11, 2023. Human Rights Watch had previously documented the case. In September, 13 gendarmes stood trial in Hatay for the death in custody of Ahmet Güreşçi and the torture of his brother Sabri Güreşçi, a case documented by Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International in a 2023 report on police and gendarmerie abuses. The trial continues, and the defendants face a possible sentence of life imprisonment if convicted. 
 
Kurdish Conflict and Crackdown on Opposition 
The Erdoğan government pursued an end to the four-decade conflict with the armed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), in negotiation with jailed PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan. On May 12, the PKK announced its compliance with a February 27 call by Öcalan to the armed group to disband and disarm, and a cross-party parliamentary commission began in August to examine relevant legal reforms. In the scope of ending the conflict, the government has yet to take steps to ensure equal rights for Kurds and other minority groups, to promote anti-discrimination measures, to amend abusive counterterrorism legislation, or to release political prisoners. 
Among the jailed Kurdish activists and politicians on trial for or convicted of terrorism offenses for legitimate non-violent political activities and speeches are former Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) co-chairs Selahattin Demirtaş and Figen Yüksekdağ. They have been in prison since November 4, 2016. 
İmamoğlu was arrested on March 19 along with two district mayors and over 100 municipal employees, council members, and businesspeople. After repeated waves of arrests, in November, the Istanbul prosecutor indicted İmamoğlu and 401 others on a series of charges, accusing the mayor of abusing his public office to establish a criminal organization and others of being members of it, with other charges centering on corruption, bribery, and fraud. The trial will begin on March 9, 2026. 
İmamoğlu also faces a series of other ongoing trials, which are at different stages, based on arbitrary accusations. Several could result in him being banned from politics in the case of a final conviction. 
Lawsuits against the leadership of the CHP nationally and in Istanbul that were aimed at removing party chair Özgur Özel and others continued through 2025. These cases and the detention of CHP mayors and council members in Istanbul districts and in cities including Adana and Antalya reinforce concerns of a concerted effort by the authorities to sideline the main political opposition party, gravely undermining the rights to freedom of political association and free and fair elections. 
 
Refugees, Asylum Seekers, and Migrants 
Türkiye hosts one of the largest refugee populations in the world—with Syrians under temporary protection officially stated to number 2.4 million and substantial numbers of Afghans and other groups. Authorities have increasingly ignored protection claims and sought to reduce the refugee population by issuing unlawful deportation orders that are often based on arbitrarily labelling people irregular migrants or a security threat and coercing them to sign “voluntary” return forms. Examples include an April detention and deportation order issued against Turkmenistan activists Alisher Sakhatov and Abdulla Orusov, labelling them a threat to national security, despite a lack of concrete evidence. The whereabouts of the two since July is unknown and there are grave concerns they may have been deported to Turkmenistan despite a Constitutional Court interim ruling barring their return to Turkmenistan because of serious risk of persecution there. 
 
Women’s and Girls’ Rights, Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity 
The government used its designation of 2025 as the "year of the family" to justify measures that undermined women's rights and the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people. On May 2, the Ministry of Family and Social Policies issued a circular to 81 provincial directorates instructing them to avoid using terms like gender, sexual orientation, and gender identity, citing threats to family unity and society. In October, a draft law was leaked that proposed criminalizing conduct deemed “contrary to biological sex” as well as its so-called “promotion,” and prohibiting access to gender-affirming care outside strict new limits. While no law has yet been officially proposed, there are concerns that the government has not ruled out such measures. 
The authorities justified increased arbitrary censorship of social media and digital platforms, and criminal investigations of artists with vague references to "public morality," and obscenity. In October, the Istanbul prosecutor indicted the all-female music group Manifest accusing its members of exhibitionism and obscenity on the basis of their costumes and dancing during a concert. The six singers were released with travel bans after testifying before the prosecutor, and they cancelled their national tour. 
Istanbul Pride was banned for the eleventh consecutive year, and many cities across the country imposed similar bans. 
 
Climate Change Policy 
Türkiye avoided committing to a phase out of fossil fuels with its September announcement of revised but unambitious greenhouse gas emission mitigation targets. In 2025, local community groups challenged the government decision to expand the Afşin Elbistan coal power plant A. 
 
Human Rights Watch, World Report 2026. New York.
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Human Rights Watch, World Report 2026

2/5/2026

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Country Report: Tajikistan
In 2025, the Tajik government solidified the power of the ruling party through parliamentary elections held without independent observers and continued its crackdown on dissent by sentencing public figures and journalists to long prison terms. 
There has been no independent investigation or accountability for the deadly government crackdown on peaceful protesters in the Gorno-Badakshan Autonomous Oblast (GBAO) in 2021 and 2022. Members of the Pamiri ethnic group, people who reside in the GBAO, continue to report high levels of harassment and pressure from the authorities. There has also been no accountability for crimes committed by the Tajik armed forces during the 2022 border conflict with Kyrgyzstan. 
In October, Tajikistan hosted Russian President Vladimir Putin, an ICC suspect, for an event on regional cooperation and security in Dushanbe, failing to execute the court’s warrant against him. The ICC has initiated proceedings to assess whether Tajikistan failed to comply with its obligation to cooperate with the court. 
Freedom of belief continued to be tightly controlled by the authorities, while domestic violence remained decriminalized. 
 
Parliamentary Elections 
In March, in elections for the lower house of parliament, the ruling People's Democratic Party of Tajikistan won 49 out of 63 seats, with the remaining seats taken by smaller pro- government parties. The elections were the first since the Tajik Civil War to take place without independent observers. In February, the Organization for Security and Co- operation in Europe (OSCE) Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) announced it was forced to cancel its election monitoring mission after Tajik authorities failed to provide accreditation to its observers less than a month before elections. Independent media outlets, including Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty's Tajik Service, were also not accredited to cover the elections. 
 
Repression of Civil Society 
In February, Tajikistan’s Supreme Court convicted several prominent figures of high treason for allegedly plotting to seize power and sentenced them to between 18 and 27 years in prison. The defendants included Shokirjon Khakimov, a human rights lawyer, publicist, and deputy chairman of the opposition Social Democratic Party of Tajikistan, detained in the summer 2024, who was handed 18 years in prison. Former Foreign Minister Khamrokhon Zarifi and Saidjafar Usmonzoda (former member of parliament and former leader of the opposition Democratic Party of Tajikistan) each received 27-year sentences. Former deputy chairman of the Democratic Party of Tajikistan, Ahmadshokh Komilzoda, the former chairman of the Supreme Soviet of Tajikistan, Akbarsho Iskandarov, and Nuramin Ganizoda (a retired colonel of the State Committee National Security, or GKNB) were also reportedly sentenced to 18 years in prison. 
 
Political Prisoners 
In March, President Emomali Rahmon granted amnesty to 897 prisoners, but did not include any convicted journalists, civil activists, or opposition politicians. 
In the first half of the year, five ethnic Pamiri activists died while in custody. All five men had been detained following the May 2022 protests. Some died after being denied medical care. Information about one of the men, who died in February, became public only in late August 2025. 
In September, an 83-year-old former member of the Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan (IRPT), Zubaidullo Roziq, died in custody after a long illness related to his pre- existing heart disease. A year earlier, he had been briefly hospitalized, but later returned to prison, despite repeated calls for his release on humanitarian grounds. 
At least six civil society activists of ethnic Pamiri origin remain imprisoned, including Ulfatkhonim Mamadshoeva (sentenced to 21 years) and Manuchehr Kholiqnazarov (sentenced to 16 years). They were all detained and convicted on charges related to the violent crackdown on protests by the authorities in the GBAO region in May 2022 and November 2021. 
Seven journalists remain in prison for their critical reporting.
 
Freedom of Expression 
In May, the second international conference of Central Asian women journalists, which was to be held in Dushanbe, was abruptly cancelled on the eve of the event with no explanation, and when the organizers attempted to conduct it at a different venue, participants were forced to leave in the midst of introductory speeches by several ambassadors from EU countries who had supported the event. The platform was supposed to be a safe space for discussing issues faced by women in media throughout the region. 
In February, the Supreme Court convicted Ruhshona Khakimova, an investigative journalist, on classified charges, with no public record of what she was accused or convicted of, sentencing her to eight years in prison following a closed trial. Khakimova is the niece of Shokirjon Khakimov, whose case is discussed above. 
In January, journalist Ahmad Ibrohim, chief editor of the independent weekly newspaper “Payk,” was sentenced to 10 years in prison following his arrest on bribery charges related to his newspaper's re-registration in August 2024. In the past, such arrests have been shown to be politically motivated. 
 
Freedom of Belief 
In February, authorities prevented Ismaili Shia Muslims in Khorog and Dushanbe from properly mourning the death of their spiritual leader, the Aga Khan IV. In Khorog, capital of the GBAO, law enforcement cut off loudspeaker access to the ceremony for those that were unable to get inside the Ismaili Center, threatening “consequences” for those who protested. In Dushanbe, authorities cut off electricity to the Ismaili Center during the homage ceremony. 
In July, authorities prohibited Ismaili athletes from participating in the Ismaili Games, conducted as part of “Global Encounters Festival” 2025 in Dubai, citing “threats of an unidentified nature.” 
 
Transnational Repression 
In February, Dilmurod Ergashev, a Tajik opposition activist and an asylum seeker, deported from Germany in November 2024, was convicted of “publicly calling for extremist activity” and sentenced to eight years in prison. Ergashev had been detained immediately upon his arrival in Tajikistan and detained for two months by court order. 
In May, a social media activist critical of the Tajik government and an asylum seeker in Sweden, Farkhod Negmatov, was sentenced to eight years in prison on charges of membership in the banned organization “Hizb ut-Tahrir.” He was deported together with his three minor daughters from Sweden in December 2024. Negmatov denied the charges. 
 
Refugees 
In July, Tajik authorities said that a number of undocumented Afghan nationals had been deported. Authorities claimed they had entered Tajikistan illegally. According to media, several dozen men, women, and children were forced to leave the country. It is unknown, however, who was targeted, on what grounds, and where they were deported to. 
 
Labor Migrants 
Tajik migrants working in Russia have faced increased harassment since the March 2024 attack on Crocus City Hall in Moscow, in which Tajik nationals were implicated as organizers. In 2025, Russian authorities imposed additional administrative restrictions on labor migrants to Russia, including bans on employment in a wide range of service spheres. 
 
Conflict at the Kyrgyzstan-Tajikistan Border 
In March, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan signed an agreement over the contested border between the two countries. The agreement includes a plan for land swaps of equal size and the shared management and use of water resources and facilities, as well as a commitment not to fly drones or station any heavy military equipment or auxiliary forces along the border. This follows a border conflict in 2022, during which both countries committed apparent war crimes leading to the deaths of at least 37 civilians and the deliberate destruction of homes. Neither side has publicized information indicating that perpetrators from their own forces were held to account for violations they committed during the conflict. 


Human Rights Watch, World Report 2026. New York.
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Human Rights Watch, World Report 2026

26/3/2026

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Country Report: Kyrgyzstan

​In 2025, the Kyrgyz government charged and convicted several journalists, media outlets, and a human rights defender with speech related offenses. Legal reforms also curtailed the rights of citizens to information, expression, and belief. 
 
Gender-based violence remained a critical issue, with domestic violence on the rise. 
 
A historic border deal was signed between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan following a border conflict in 2022, in which the forces of both countries committed apparent war crimes. 
 
Kyrgyzstan was part of a core group on development and promotion of the new optional protocol to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child on free pre-primary and free secondary education. 
 
Speech-related Prosecutions 
In April, authorities detained human rights defender Rita Karasartova on suspicion of “close ties” with defendants awaiting trial on charges of “fomenting of mass riots.” The police arrested Karasartova after she published a letter from a political activist on her Facebook page, which she said the prosecution claimed was a signal to start coordinated actions to seize power. In September, a district court in Bishkek found Karasartova guilty and sentenced her to five years’ non-custodial restricted freedom and a fine of 50,000 Kyrgyz soms (US$570). 
 
In July, independent journalist Kanyshai Mamyrkulova was found guilty of inciting mass riots and racial, national, and religious enmity. The court sentenced Mamyrkulova to four years’ non-custodial restricted freedom, during which she is prohibited from posting on social media. Mamyrkulova was detained in March for Facebook posts criticizing the lack of transparency around a border demarcation deal between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. 
 
In July, a district court in Bishkek ordered the closure of independent media outlet April TV after the Prosecutor General’s Office charged the outlet with spreading negative information about the authorities accompanied by “sarcasm and mockery,” which may “destabilize public order” in the country. 
 
In September, four staffers of independent news outlet Kloop were found guilty of calling for mass unrest; two videographers were sentenced to five years in prison and two accountants to three years’ non-custodial restricted freedom. The four were detained in May in a sweeping security service operation along with four other staffers, who were later released. The prosecution claimed the staffers on trial collaborated with Temirov Live, an investigative outlet that exposes allegations of high-level corruption in government, in producing “distorted information that called for regime change.” 
 
Freedom of Information and Expression 
In January, amendments to the Kyrgyz Code of Offenses came into force that recriminalize libel and insult and empower the Ministry of Culture to impose fines of up to 200,000 Kyrgyz soms ($2,000) for dissemination of “false or erroneous information” that harms the reputation of an individual via mass media, the internet, or social media. The ministry will have the power to determine who should be fined, without judicial approval. 
 
In June, the parliament passed the “Law on Mass Media,” which expands state control over independent media by requiring mandatory registration for all media outlets and online platforms. The law gives the government authority over development of criteria and procedures for registration, re-registration, or refusal to register. The law also limits foreign ownership in media to 35 percent. 
 
Amendments to the code of offenses, which went into effect in July, penalize the spread of “false or unreliable” news via mass media or the internet. Individuals found to have violated the law will be fined 20,000 Kyrgyz soms ($230) and media outlets – 65,000 Kyrgyz soms ($740). 
 
In July, amendments to the criminal code and the code of offenses went into effect that toughen sanctions for existing extremism-related offenses, for production and distribution of extremist materials, as well as for calls for violent seizure of power, while eliminating the option of fines for the latter. The amendments also reintroduced the crime of possession of extremist materials, which had been previously decriminalized due to its frequent misuse against non-violent individuals. The new offense is punishable by up to three years in prison, even without intent to disseminate the materials. The amendments also criminalize public calls for extremist activity using the internet or mass media, which carries a three to five-year prison sentence. 
 
Prosecution of Political Opposition 
In April, a district court in Bishkek convicted Temirlan Sultanbekov, leader of the Social Democrats political party, and party members Irina Karamushkina and Roza Turksever, of vote-buying and sentenced them to three years’ non-custodial restricted freedom. They were detained in November 2024 ahead of municipal elections. 
 
Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity 
In April, police forcibly entered an apartment without a search warrant where five transgender women were residing, including a transgender rights activist. They allegedly beat the women before taking them to a medical center, where they underwent medical examinations, including of their genitals, without their consent. The authorities also reportedly forced them to undergo HIV and hepatitis tests at an AIDS center. A district court found the women guilty of minor hooliganism and sentenced them to five days’ administrative detention. 
 
Gender-Based Violence 
According to the Kyrgyz Interior Ministry, in the first six months of 2025, the police registered 10,164 cases of domestic violence, which is a 35 percent increase compared to the same period in 2024. 
 
Following the rape and murder of a girl in September, President Japarov’s administration in October proposed a referendum to amend the constitution to allow the death penalty for murder committed in a cruel manner, murder of a minor, and murder involving rape. In December, the Constitutional Court ruled that reintroducing the death penalty through a referendum would be unconstitutional. 
 
Disability Rights 
The law on “Rights and Guarantees of People with Disabilities,” which went into effect in August, aligns the country’s legislation with the UN Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities. Under the law, the state has a responsibility to support Kyrgyz citizens with disabilities to acquire, develop, and maintain skills for independent living. 
 
In another positive development, in February, President Japarov signed into law the legal amendments to the criminal code introducing harsher penalties for sexual violence offenses committed against persons with disabilities, recognizing disability as an aggravating factor, and eliminating exemptions from imprisonment for persons convicted of having committed sexual violence against a person with disabilities. Similar amendments were made in 2024 with harsher penalties for sexual violence offenses committed against children. While these changes respond to the heightened risk of sexual violence faced by many women and girls with disabilities, care will be needed in implementation and future reforms to ensure that protections promote equal protection and autonomy, and do not unintentionally reinforce paternalistic attitudes and stereotypes of vulnerability. 
 
Freedom of Belief 
Amendments to the Law on Freedom of Religion, which went into effect in January, make registration requirements for religious associations even more difficult, prohibit religious teaching outside recognized religious education institutions, ban dissemination of religious literature and other materials in public, as well as proselytism outside religious institutions, and prohibit the wearing of religious face-coverings in public such as the niqab. 
 
Conflict at the Kyrgyzstan-Tajikistan Border 
In March, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan reached an agreement over the contested border between the two countries. The agreement includes a plan for land swaps of equal size and the shared management and use of water resources and facilities, as well as a commitment not to fly drones or station any heavy military equipment and auxiliary forces along the border. This follows a border conflict in 2022, during which both countries committed apparent war crimes leading to the deaths of at least 37 civilians and the deliberate destruction of homes. Neither side has publicized information indicating that perpetrators from their own forces were held to account for violations they committed during the conflict. 
 
Human Rights Watch, World Report 2026. New York.
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    Central & South America
    Europe
    Middle East
    North America
    South Asia
    South-East Asia
    Worldwide

    Preamble
    ​A
    lthough our own circumstances may be uneventful, the daily news never fail to remind us that we live in a troubled world; at times fraught with unimaginable pain and suffering. Scripture encourages us to pray always in the Spirit, being watchful to this end with all perseverance and supplication especially for all believers everywhere (Eph 6:18). The Greek word 'agrupneo' is the origin of the phrase "being watchful" and it means to stay awake or be sleepless. It emphasises the need for spiritual vigilance and alertness. Let us be faithful in praying.

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